Eisenkot Targets 58 Seats for New Israeli Government as Rivals Demand More

Gadi Eisenkot is preparing to form a government with as few as 58 seats, a move that could alter the political landscape for Israeli voters this fall. Under this plan, the anti-Netanyahu bloc would take office without the standard 61-seat majority if they win 58 or 59 seats in the upcoming elections. The strategy relies on winning a confidence vote through abstentions rather than outright support, allowing a new cabinet to take office while it seeks additional allies in the Knesset.

The division within the opposition mirrors the uncertainty in recent polling data. Most surveys show the anti-Netanyahu camp ahead of the outgoing coalition, but the Zionist parties seeking change currently fall short of the 61 seats needed to govern under existing agreements. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his allies are also far from a majority in many polls, though some surveys give the right-wing bloc sufficient seats. The final seat distribution may hinge on the electoral threshold, where a small shift in votes could determine whether Israel gets a new government or faces another round of political turmoil.

Eisenkot rejects any arrangement where he serves under Netanyahu, even in a rotation. He views the minority option as a viable path if the change-seeking parties cannot secure a full majority. Legally, swearing in a government requires a majority in the confidence vote, not 61 affirmative votes. This distinction means abstentions can help a new government take office, although a constructive vote of no confidence against an incumbent still requires 61 MKs to back an alternative.

Key figures in the bloc oppose Eisenkot’s approach. Naftali Bennett and Avigdor Liberman, two of the camp’s most prominent leaders, insist on a Zionist majority from the start. Liberman categorically rejects a minority government, even a transitional one, and states that another election would be preferable to a government that fails his conditions. Bennett and Yair Lapid, who head the Beyachad list, likewise demand a Zionist government and refuse to rely on the votes or abstentions of Arab parties. Democrats chairman Yair Golan has not ruled out cooperating with the Ra'am party, but no agreed formula exists for carrying out the plan.

The leadership struggle adds another layer of tension. Eisenkot wants to lead the bloc and be its main candidate to form the next government. Bennett, a former prime minister, views himself as a natural candidate due to his experience. A meeting between Eisenkot and Liberman this week ended with a joint call to raise voter turnout but did not settle their disagreement on the path to power. Liberman has suggested bringing Likud MKs into a government without Netanyahu, claiming some would be willing, but he has named no specific lawmakers and no public talks are under way.

The bloc is also nearing an agreement on replacing Knesset Speaker Amir Ohana. They see this change as a step that can occur before any government is formed. Controlling the speaker position would give Netanyahu’s opponents control of the parliamentary agenda even if he stays on as head of a caretaker government. The speaker is elected early in a new Knesset's term in a public vote, and the bloc could draw on Arab party MKs to assemble a majority behind an agreed candidate.

Several names have been raised for the speaker role, including Chili Tropper, Matan Kahana, and Elazar Stern from Eisenkot’s list. Meirav Ben-Ari and Eitan Ginzburg from the Bennett-Lapid list, Efrat Rayten of the Democrats, and attorney Oded Forer of Yisrael Beytenu are also contenders. No consensus candidate has been announced. Liberman estimated this week that as many as one-third of outgoing coalition MKs might vote against Ohana, though they would have to do so openly. The bloc also wants to advance a state commission of inquiry into October 7, changes to conscription law, limits on the prime minister's tenure, and repeal of some judicial changes.

Party teams have begun coordinating on these legislative goals, but no binding agreement exists on the details or the order of operations. Not every bloc member backs every judicial change, and a new speaker would not automatically deliver a legislative majority. Laws aimed at Netanyahu could face constitutional hurdles. The memory of the Bennett-Lapid government, which collapsed before completing promised laws, looms over the effort as the bloc prepares for the vote.